Thailand’s Controversial Historical Maps Mislead Students, Experts Say

Bangkok: What exactly are Thai children taught about Cambodia and other neighboring countries when they go to school? According to Agence Kampuchea Presse, much of this can be traced back to the influential 'Map of the History of Thailand's Boundary,' distributed during World War II. This map, discussed in the 1994 book 'Siam Mapped' by Thai historian Thongchai Winichakul, emerged when Vichy France-administered Indochina ceded parts of Cambodia and Laos to Thailand. Thongchai argues that the map assumes the existence of a 'total legitimate realm' of Thailand, though it is not grounded in any geographic reality. Thongchai notes that there were many versions of the map, some dating back to 1935. These maps sometimes added territories like Singapore, parts of Malaysia, and regions in Myanmar and China. A popular version, reproduced in Thongchai's book, marks eight territorial 'losses' from the late 19th century. These include regions in Malaysia, Myanmar, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. The map was widely distrib uted in schools and government offices in 1940, which the British consul viewed as a sign of Siamese imperialism. Thailand's Ministry of Defence claimed the map was for historical study, but it was used by movements seeking the return of territory from French Indochina. Despite assurances from Prime Minister Plaek Phibunsongkhram to the British that such movements would not target Malaysian territories, the map continued to circulate, even sold at a nominal price. The map's legacy persists, still found in school textbooks and atlases, serving as a 'sentimental visual code of history,' as Thongchai describes. A similar map appears in 'The Lost Territories' by American historian Shane Strate, published in 2015. This version omits lands in Malaysia and Myanmar, focusing on Thai claims in Indochina between 1867 and 1907. Strate suggests that the focus was intentional to avoid antagonizing British-administered regions. The map's political relevance may have diminished, but its narrative power endures, as it is u sed to foster a sense of national unity and vulnerability. Thai journalist Pravit Rojanaphruk notes that Thai students are taught a single version of national history, portraying Thailand as the protagonist. This 'extreme nationalism' instilled in schools paints Myanmar as the aggressor, while Malaysia and Laos are seen as rebellious. Khmers are described as 'cunning and untrustworthy.' Pravit argues that this perspective reflects Thailand's historical role as a regional power pressured by colonial forces, with contemporary Thais continuing to see themselves as the righteous party.